Political models of Rebuilding Kawthoolei 

In this article, I discuss three possible models of rebuilding Kawthoolei. Subsequently, I discuss some major barriers to rebuilding Kawthoolei, revisit a brief history of Burma and discuss the mindsets of the Burman nationalists made obvious in the constitutions of Burma since 1947. This article concludes with the prospect of rebuilding Kawthoolei in all three models.

Rebuilding the Karen State, either in a democratic federal Union of Burma or outside Burma as a completely independent country, is far from being simple; however, it is a goal that can be achieved with the right strategy and sufficient resources. In this article, the goal to rebuild Kawthoolei in the Union of Burma will be referred to as (GD1) and the other goal to rebuild it as a completely independent Karen State outside Burma will be referred to as (GD2). GD1 here has two models: to rebuild the Karen State according to the territory as it is now defined by the successive governments of Burma (GD1A) or to rebuild the Karen State comprising of larger territories to be redefined by both the Karen representatives guided by Saw Ba U Gyi’s 4 principles and the government of Burma (GD1B).

If rebuilding the Karen State is the goal, it then requires the right strategy to achieve this goal. But nothing comes easy. First of all, to identify the right strategy alone is not easy, and what is more difficult is to implement it once it has been identified. Instead of discussing a strategy, I will discuss some of the barriers to rebuilding Kawthoolei as follows.

To begin with, state building takes time and may be an ongoing process. It may take hundreds of years, if not thousands, to build. For examples, look at the history of Burma and the history of the world. Throughout Burmese history for more than a thousand of years, Burman kings built three empires, and all of them collapsed in 1885 when the last Burmese king was overthrown by the British. Since independence, Burma has been a failed state, and the Union of Burma is now in the process of being rebuilt. Similarly, with the collapse of the Soviet Union (the USSR) in 1991, many smaller and weaker states have emerged and they are now in the process of being rebuilt.

Lack of the unified effort and support of the Karens is a major barrier to rebuilding Kawthoolei. In the history of the Karen revolution, there was a lack of unity especially among the Karens due to the leaders’ ideological differences. Besides, it seemed some powerful Pwo Karen leaders were not behind the Karen revolution in the beginning. The Karens were deeply divided as to their demands for the areas of Karen State and as to whether to join the Union of Burma. General Aung San, who was the architect of Burma Independence from British rule, was backed by Mahn Ba Khaing, a Pwo Karen who later on was assassinated in 1947 along with Aung San and became a martyr of the Union of Burma. On the other hand, Saw Ba U Gyi and other Karen leaders started the Karen revolution for an independent Karen State, after their failed negotiations for a larger Karen State with the then Burman leaders in power. With the assassination of Saw Ba U Gyi in 1950, the Karens now have two different martyrs’ days to commemorate in Burma. Interestingly, Saw Ba Zan who succeeded Saw Ba U Gyi later on as the chairman of the Karen National Union (KNU), changed his name to Mahn Ba Zan with an intention to prove that the Karen revolution was fully backed by both Pwo and Sgaw Karens.

Furthermore, the existence of different armed Karen groups in Burma suggests that no armed Karen group is under a single command and control structure. Although the existence of different armed Karen groups is a major problem, Karen unity actually hinges on some powerful forces behind Pwo Karens and Sgaw Karens. We must be reminded of the dynamics of complex relationships among the Karens. The Karens are one of the major ethnic groups in Burma, but the exact population of the Karens is impossible to know, given the unreliable statistics and census of Burma. It is also difficult to estimate which group of the Karens is being the majority. However, it can be assumed with much certainty that as of now the majority of the Karens are either Buddhists or animists, as Christianity was introduced much later to the Karens in Burma. The Karens have now become diverse, and most of them are divided along religious lines. In his book “Karen National History” written in Burmese and published in 2020, Dr Nan Hlaing documented that there are 22 Karen groups who speak differently from one another. Pwo Karens alone are further subdivided into 4 groups. Among the many groups of the Karens, Pwo and Sgaw Karens are the majority; therefore, they must be considered as the most powerful groups among them.

The designated Karen State in the Union of Burma is densely populated with East Pwo Karens. It is designated as Pa An District by the KNU and is situated in the eastern part of Burma. To the east of the Karen State is neighbouring country Thailand. Inside Burma, the Karen State shares the border with Bago Region to the west. To the south of the Karen State is Mon State and to the north are Karenni State, Shan State and Mandalay Division. The majority of the Karens in the Karen State are Buddhists. Most Sgaw Karens who live in this Karen State are able to communicate in Pwo Karen. In any community meeting, either Burmese or Pwo Karen language is used to communicate with one another. An outsider most likely finds himself in a difficult situation if he attends a community meeting without any knowledge of either Pwo Karen or Burmese. Besides, the majority of the Karens in the Karen State share the same religious belief with the majority of Buddhist population in Burma, where Pwo Karen language is taught either in Buddhist monasteries, universities, or colleges with the support of successive Burmese governments. Buddhist Pwo Karen texts translated from Buddhist or Pali texts are very much advanced, and those courses are taught at Hpa- An University and Buddhist monasteries.

The Sgaw Karen language, on the other hand, is unofficially considered the official language of the KNU, which represents the core of the Karen people’s revolutionary struggle to achieve its political objectives as outlined in its constitution. The KNU has seven administrative districts and each KNU district is assigned a brigade of the Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA) under the political leadership of the KNU. The majority of Pwo Karens reside in the KNU’s Pa- An District and Dooplaya District. Although both Buddhist and Christian Pwo and Sgaw Karens serve in the KNLA, oftentimes the KNU is labelled as a Christian Sgaw Karen dominated organization. This is probably true since the majority of higher ranking KNU leaders are Sgaw Karen Christians. For instance, in 1994, the formation of the Democratic Karen Buddhist Army (DKBA) that broke away from the KNU/KNLA was allegedly the ultimate result of discriminatory treatments against the resentful foot soldiers of the KNU/KNLA.

Karen education is mostly taught in Sgaw Karen language in the KNU schools, although there are some schools that offer basic courses in Buddhist Pwo Karen. The Sgaw Karen language courses offered by the Karen Education and Culture Department (KECD) of the KNU have become much more advanced, and those Karen courses are now offered even in high schools and post high schools in the KNU controlled areas. Besides, the Bible translated especially in Sgaw Karen has now become one of the most influential spiritual texts among the Christian Karens. At the same time, the Christian Karen communities inside Burma and all over the world are powerful forces that cannot be ignored.

Let us revisit a brief history of Burma, as understanding the mindsets of the majority population of Burma is vitally important. After independence from the British rule, the history of Burma is no stranger to repeated military coups. Burma’s latest military coup was staged in February 2021, citing electoral fraud as an excuse to oust the civilian government of the National League for Democracy (NLD).

In general, two most powerful opposition camps emerged after the military coup; one being the conservative minded proponents of the military rule and the other being the liberal minded opponents of the military takeover. Most of Burma’s population who fiercely opposed this latest putsch are mainly the supporters of the ousted NLD government. Before the military coup, a large number of the NLD supporters were Burmese nationalists who would even hold a hardline stance towards ethnic people of Burma. They would now empathize with the causes of ethnic people of Burma and would resort to any pragmatic strategy to restore a democratic political system based on federalism.

On the contrary, there are also a large number of people who view the latest Burmese military coup as a blessing in disguise. Among them are the Burmese military’s proxy, the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), which mainly consists of retired military generals and diehard supporters of the military rule in Burma. The Burmese generals and their supporters appear to believe that “guided democracy” —not the western model of democracy— is the only political system that is suitable for the people of Burma.

The Burma Army, known in Burmese as “Tatmadaw”, considering themselves as the ultimate protector of the country, have repeatedly made it known that it is their duty to ensure that the three main national causes be maintained and safeguarded, regardless of any government and any political system installed in Burma. Chief among them is the duty to maintain and safeguard “non-disintegration of the Union of Burma” along with “perpetuation of national sovereignty and non-disintegration of national solidarity”.

It is important to be reminded that Burmans make up the majority population of Burma. The Burmans may fiercely agree to disagree with one another, but they finally have one common objective in politics: “non-disintegration of the Union of Burma”. The majority of Burmans, if not all, oppose the breakup of the Union of Burma, including General Aung San, who was considered the Father of Burma Independence from the British rule. Burmans are constantly reminded of their vast empires and their success in nation building in the history of Burmese literature.

The recognition of the Karen State started with Burma’s Constitution (1947) that granted the Karen people of Burma a Karen State — covering limited areas only. The then Karen leadership, especially led by Saw Ba U Gyi and his colleagues, on the other hand, demanded larger areas for an autonomous Karen State. After failed negotiations with the then Burmese government, the Karen armed revolution ensued, with Saw Ba U Gyi declaring an independent Karen State. Saw Ba U Gyi’s principles, which are well known among the Karens as the Four Principles, have become the guiding principles of the Karen revolutionary movement spearheaded by the KNU, which he founded.

Burma’s 3 Constitutions (1947, 1974, & 2008) and the “non-disintegration of the Union of Burma”: what does it mean to the Karens?

According to Burma’s 1947 Constitution— the Constitution of the Union of Burma— a State may secede from the Union of Burma only after ten years from the date on which the Constitution is adopted. But the right to secession from the Union does not apply to Karen State anymore after Chapter IX, Part III of the Constitution was substituted by Act LXII, 1951 (of the Constitution Amendment Act of 1951).

Burma’s 1974 Constitution recognizes that Burma is made up of seven States and seven Divisions. Under this constitution, Kaw-Thoo-Lei is constituted as the Karen State (Chapter III, Article 30). Burma is renamed the Socialist Republic of the Union of Burma and is ruled by the Burma Socialist Programme Party led by General Ne Win. The Right to Secession from the Union no longer exists in this constitution.

The purpose of Burma’s 2008 Constitution is to replace its 1974 Constitution. Burma according to this constitution is now officially renamed the Republic of the Union of Myanmar. In addition to the existing seven States and seven Regions, the country now constitutes a newly created Union Territory —Naypyitaw— which is under the direct rule of the President. Secession from the Union is prohibited in this constitution (Chapter I, Part II, 6a & 10). In theory, according to this constitution, the Karen State (Kayin State) has its own government with an appointed chief minister as the head of it. Evidently, none of the constitutions of Burma, except the one written in 1947, have ever granted the Karen State with the right to secession from the Union.

Notwithstanding the constitutions, Burma’s current political situations give birth to the prospect of rebuilding Kawthoolei in the context of GD1A. This model is supported by the majority population of Burma including the opposition power camps such as the NLD supporters and the Burmese military alike, as both camps are now “willing” to adapt to a democratic political system based on federalism. Although GD1A is an achievable goal in the foreseeable future and is also in accordance with the constitution of the KNU that plays a leading role to achieve this goal, at the same time it seems that the KNU is also leaning towards rebuilding the Karen State in the context of GD1B. So this actually means more negotiations are necessary to redefine the territories of the Karen State in the context of GD1B.

GD1A may be easier to achieve, but GD1B is not going to be easy. The reason is, as of now, the recognition of the Karen State in the Union of Burma is completed but is incomplete, according to Saw Ba U Gyi’s Four Revolutionary Principles. The Kawthoolei that the KNU claims has seven territories under its control. Currently the designated Karen State in Burma with defined territory covers only the size of the KNU’s Pa An District and some parts of Dooplaya District. There must be more negotiations for a larger Karen territory (GD1B). If the Karens are to continue to maintain and uphold the Four Revolutionary Principles of Saw Ba U Gyi, the political struggle for the Karen national cause will have to continue, even if it is the demand for the Karen State in the Union of Burma.

To rebuild Kawthoolei in the context of GD2 is completely an uphill battle that requires the support of some major powers just like the Ukrainians are getting now. The Karens cannot ignore the support of the international community and Karen communities all over the world. In this context (GD2) the Karen State must have its defined territory to proclaim its sovereignty. In addition, the Karen armed forces must be well trained and be equipped with modern military weapons to defend and safeguard the sovereignty of Kawthoolei. With that in mind, comes the annual cost (in millions of dollars) of state building in such areas as national defence, policing and law enforcement, governance administration, education, and so on. (Interestingly, despite insufficient resources, the KNU has been highly structured as a government ready to administer the Karen State.) This model certainly requires a unified effort and support of the powerful forces of the Karen groups, in addition to the right strategy. Rebuilding Kawthoolei in the context of GD2 will be the most challenging goal of all. 

Nation states boundaries appear entrenched but those boundaries are recent political construct in historical timeline. When a nation is willing and capable of, it will redraw its boundaries. 

To conclude, rebuilding Kawthoolei is an ongoing process that will take time and will be challenging; however, with the right strategy and sufficient resources and support, it is an achievable goal. Together with our national anthem, the Karen national flag will always fly high. The dream of rebuilding Kawthoolei must not be relinquished, because there is always a way if there is a will. Make no mistake, the Karens shall decide their own political destiny.

• Views in this article are those of the author.

* Written by Martin Zaw (20 May, 2023). Martin Zaw graduated from Mae La No. 1 High School in 1994 and was a former student of Rostan Po, a grandson of Karen nationalist Dr. San C. Po.